Spending cuts putting lives at risk: the impact on domestic violence services

Being involved in development, means that sometimes problems at home can be overlooked. Despite having worked to tackle violence against women overseas, until recently I was unaware of the scale of the issue on my own doorstep. In the UK, two women are killed every week as a result of domestic abuse and one in four women will be a victim of domestic violence during her lifetime, yet this pervasive issue continues to be sidelined by the government and society in general and remains largely under-reported due to the asociated stigma and shame that cause women, from all walks of life, to suffer in silence. Except in unusual circumstances, such as the recent high-profile prosecution of R&B performer Chris Brown following his assault of the singer Rihanna which drew much needed attention to the problem, domestic violence is still very much an issue that stays behind closed doors and out of the public arena.

It was a refreshing then that the recent threats to the funding of domestic violence services have been making headline news in the last few weeks. Notably, Denise Marshall, a prominent women's rights activist and founder of Eaves – a charity that provides shelter and support to women who have suffered domestic violence or have been trafficked into prostitution – turned the spotlight onto the the issue by returning her OBE in protest at the proposed cuts which she claims will render her organisation unable to adequately address the needs of at-risk women and to raise awareness of the impact that the cuts will have on the lives of vulnerable women across the country.

Denise Marshall's public gesture was part of the widespread outcry and vigorous campaigning by the women's movement that came as a result of the alarming news that Devon county council was intending to cut its domestic violence support service funding by 100%. Devon has one of the leading domestic violence service programmes in the country and assisted over 2,700 women last year; under the initial proposed cuts, 2011 was shaping up to be a year when no women would be provided with the protection and support of these life-saving front line services. It has subsequently been announced that Devon county council is only going to reduce spending by 42%, which is an improvement on the initial figure but fails to address the fact that fewer women will be able to be supported by services that are already attempting to deliver beyond their resources.

The situation in Devon underlines the precariousness of domestic violence support services, which will be especially impacted by the forthcoming public spending cuts as they rely on a large amount of funding from local authorities. That is not to detract from the fact that in the current funding climate many charities are struggling financially and there is great uncertainty as to the long-term survival of various projects and NGOs, but it seems that some sectors are struggling more than others and for domestic violence – an area where funding has historically been limited – the streams are rapidly drying up.

The severity of the cuts is going to seriously hamper these organisations' functional capacity and preliminary research by the charity Women's Aid reveals that over 50% of domestic violence services still are unaware as to whether they will have enough money to remain fully operational come the end of this financial year – in less than two months' time. If they are able to provide a service at all, they are likely to be left having to make one of two unappealing choices; either reduce the quality of service provision or reduce the number of women for whom service can be provided. This insecurity as to the level of service that will be available is concerning both for the organisations and the women who rely on them.

It is not only the cuts to front line services that will impact upon women suffering domestic violence; plans to cut benefits that enable single mothers to survive financially without working, such as access to child support and obtaining legal aid to protect them through divorce and unfair dismissal, mean that women with children are more at risk of being tied to abusive relationships. Similarly, the detrimental effect of the changes in funding flows will also be seen in reduced provision of refuges. Despite the government pledging to maintain the Supporting People scheme – which helps provide vulnerable people, such a victims of domestic violence, with shelter – it will no longer be ring-fenced. The new emphasis on greater autonomy when it comes to decision-making on spending at the local level means that councils are diverting this money to meet other, more visible, demands, which will inevitably result in the closure of the vital refuges that many people are not even aware exist in their communities. As such, the cumulative effect of these various cuts is highly concerning for the security of women and children across the UK.

Moreover, in cutting funding to domestic violence services, the government has chosen an easy target. The sensitive nature of domestic violence means that victims of this crime are unlikely to protest openly, if at all, about the impact that cuts will have on them and they lack the capacity, power and voice to lobby effectively; so they remain invisible, as does the crime committed against them.

The withdrawal of government spending in domestic violence also serves to highlight the wider neglect of women's organisations in the public arena and the disconnect between discourse and action when it comes to women in the government's agenda. Not only are essential front line services being cut, but women's organisations across the board are faced with unprecedented funding shortages, which sends out the overwhelming message that women are not a priority for the current government; not only relating to safety and security, but also in terms of gender equality in general.

The unfortunate fact remains that despite the progress that has been made in gender equality, women's rights still are not a popular topic or a priority issue and they are all too easily dismissed, receiving neither the attention nor the funding that they deserve. This wave of spending cuts is threatening to severely diminish both front line domestic violence and associated financial support services which will put the lives of thousands of women and children across the UK in danger and has serious implications for women in society as a whole.

interactions with violence: women in urban brazil

whilst conducting research for my dissertation last year, i came across an enlightening and unsettling paper published by amnesty international (Picking Up the Pieces, April 2008) on the many forms of violence that women in the favelas face and their coping strategies; this blog post is a summary of these experiences and others that i came across in my reading.

in the favelas (informal settlements) that surround brazil's largest and most populous cities, violence is an everyday part of life for the marginalised and socially excluded. with their high homicide rates, violent criminal activity, territorial gang warfare, and police shootouts, brazil's cities rank amongst the world's most dangerous and the majority of this violent activity occurs in the favelas.

unsurprisingly the focus of media reportage and social research all too often centres on disenfranchised young men, as both victims and perpetrators of violence, and the situation of women is neglected in this discourse; the issue of violence against women seemingly centred solely on intrafamilial violence--undeniably a very widespread problem and one that is thankfully receiving more attention and action on both a national and international level--but sadly it is not women's only interaction with everyday violence.

the streets of the favelas are notorious for the absence of state institutions and into this power void criminal gangs have stepped and assumed control of communities, imposing curfews and doling out punishments. when the police do make their presence felt they are usually considered a threat rather than a protection for both men and women. women have been caught in the crossfire of armed confrontations between gang members and police and such fatalities are treated with alarming indifference.

in fact, women's contact with the criminal justice system--where corruption is rife and extrajudicial killings are par for the course--is such a negative experience that often women would rather keep quiet than pursue judicial procedures and in many cases they are treated in an abusive and sometimes violent manner by law enforcement officials. in seeking justice women also open themselves up to retribution from within their own communities.

with an increasing number of women finding themselves without a positive male presence in the household, be it through homicide or imprisonment, they are left with an extra burden of responsibility to provide materially and emotionally for the family. this pressure has led women to seek employment increasingly further afield; exposing them to risk on public transport which is often controlled by gang members and also potential violence if they return home after dark. some women have resorted to collaborating with criminal gangs and drug factions for financial gain.

unfortunately, even if they are able to find employment, the pressure on women to manage the household remains. schools can be unsafe due to territorial gang violence which extends into the school grounds resulting in children staying home and women find themselves blamed for poor childcare and family chaos; hence, access to services like education, job opportunities and even healthcare are constrained by violence.

women are both direct and indirect victims of violence which has related consequences on health and wellbeing. its frequency and prevalence have led to a normalisation of violence and means that women often do not identify the abuses that they suffer at home and in the wider community as violations of their human rights, however, women's rights movements have been working to redress that and have a higher profile and greater influence than ever.

the dynamic women's movement and active civil society have led to some positive steps such as the creation and promotion of women's police stations and the passing of new laws that protect women and give them greater access to justice. hopefully, such efforts will encourage and foster the development of further initiatives that will enable women to confront violence without fear, give them a voice, and provide them with the capacity to claim their rights.

soldiers on the school run

so the job-hunt continues, as do the job-hunt avoidance activities; this week's attempt at a productive escapade was the International Rescue Committee's (IRC) annual lecture on monday. having attended last year's lecture where Dambisa Moyo was the keynote speaker and talked about the failure of aid in africa, i was very much looking forward to the debate on the use of military forces to deliver aid in crisis zones, particularly afghanistan and pakistan.

proceeds kicked off a few minutes late, as these events are wont to do, but the audience was quickly drawn into an engaging debate on this undeniably polemical issue. now for my understanding of it!

the armed forces have vastly greater capacity to respond rapidly to humanitarian emergencies than NGOs due to their readily deployable manpower and resources; thus they have an important role to play in both conflict and natural disaster emergencies. it is surprising then that that role has yet to be specifically determined, and in many instances the lines between military aid and humanitarian organisation intervention are too blurred.

the question remains for many, at what stage should NGOs act? would they be most effective as part of the initial military intervention, working on the front line alongside the armed forces or should the military clear the path, so to speak, and the NGOs follow shortly after with reconstruction and relief expertise? it inevitably depends upon the type of humanitarian emergency.

for example, in a conflict situation if local people are known to have accepted military aid, it can be interpreted as a sign of collaboration with foreign forces and subsequently make the targets of an aid intervention programme, in effect, targets of life-threatening retaliation by local militias or tribal groups.

essentially, the military and NGOs need to coordinate whereby the armed forces support NGO work but don't supplant it and this should enable positive collective action and space for civil society to lead its own reconstruction.

some interesting things to think about and as ever, with development, no clear-cut solution -- already anticipating 2011's lecture and hurriedly making plans for my next non-job-hunt endeavour!

speakers at Soldiers on the School Run: sensible strategy or disastrous compromise? were Ahmed Rashid, Major-General Tim Cross, Michael Young, Jeremy Greenstock, Dr. Ashraf Ghani (via video)

hello blog-world!

having realised that my multiple disparate interests can make for a slightly higgeldy-piggeldy blog, i have decided to dedicate this site to international development issues, specifically those relating to women's and children's rights and effective bottom up social change in southern africa and latin america.

the area that i'm currently researching and expanding my knowledge on in earnest is the strategic use of social media by ngos and not-for-profit organisations to raise their public profile and develop strong support bases; but more on that later!

i am in the process of re-doing my travelly blog and will put updates on here of when it's good to go--almost there! so, introduction to this blog is now complete and the next post promises to be a more engaging and on-topic read!